Paul KeenanBeijing has taken a step further from Rome, writes Paul Keenan
Despite the reassuring words of late, Rome must be looking with a worried eye towards China as a result of events this past May.
Though not on a par with the massive drive against Christians in the province of Zhejiang almost exactly one year ago, actions in the eastern province of Hebei (containing the capital) demonstrated all too clearly Beijing’s continuing willingness to act harshly against ‘wayward’ citizens of faith.
Matters were led by the disappearance of underground Catholic priest, Fr Liu Honggeng, last seen by his parishioners on May 7. Allegedly spirited away by police, Fr Liu had only been released from eight years of detention, a punishment handed down for his repeated refusal to join the ‘official church’ of the Catholic Patriotic Association (CPA).
Then, on the 12th of the month, Catholic Bishop Julius Jia Zhiguo disappeared, and remained in police custody for 12 days before his release back into his diocese. It was alleged that the arrest had been orchestrated to dissuade pilgrimages in his diocese during the traditional Marian month.
Allegation
The allegation was lent some weight when, also in May, security personnel moved to dismantle a Marian altar in Anzhuang, Hebei, which had been built at the start of the Chinese New Year in February. Two lay Catholic women were injured in that action as they tried in vain to protect the altar.
Readers of this newspaper may recall coverage, in May 2014, of Chinese discomfort at religious growth in the country as being at the heart of earlier mass damage to church properties and symbols.
Paranoid about foreign influence seeping into the nation via unregulated religions, Beijing had previously unveiled its ‘Document 9’, which cited the ‘Noteworthy Problems’ such as the promotion of western constitutional democracy; promoting universal values; promoting civil society; promoting neoliberalism; promoting the West’s idea of journalism and questioning the socialist nature of socialism with Chinese characteristics.
Such matters had not, however, dulled Rome’s fervent desire for progress in relations with China.
Indeed, a message of goodwill dispatched in August by the Pope as he flew through Chinese air space on his return from South Korea offered some reason to hope.
Bilateral contacts even led, in December, to the expression of a measure of optimism by Vatican Secretary of State, Cardinal Pietro Parolin, who stated in an interview: “We are in a positive phase… I would go as far as to say that prospects look promising”.
Ever the diplomat, however, Cardinal Parolin knew well enough to add that the journey to reconciliation between Church and China “has not yet come to an end”.
That heavy truth of that phrase lies with events in Hebei and with incidents of wider import in China last month.
On the purely domestic front, President Xi Jinping brought the issue of religion to the fore in his address to a mass gathering of political activists on May 18-20 as the Communist Party of China hosted a major conference of party activists.
“We must manage religious affairs in accordance with the law and adhere to the principle of independence to run religious groups on our own accord,” he told delegates. “Active efforts should be made to incorporate religions into socialist society.”
Stronger yet, and by way of reinforcing the premier’s message, the Communist Party’s own, and sinisterly named, Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, offered a subsequent article in its newsletter insisting that party members, as “fighters in the vanguard for a communist consciousness” must reject all religion or face disciplinary sanction. (It is thought that some 10% of party members – roughly eight million – currently have a secret religious affiliation.)
Apparently seeking to lead the charge on this, authorities in the province of Zhejiang, already famed for the pace of church demolitions, announced earlier this year that it would work to root out religious party members, with a particular focus on schools and universities.
On the international front, meanwhile, China spent the month demonstrating that, while all religions are equal, some are more equal than others.
Even as the police of Hebei swooped on its underground clerics, Beijing was offering a warm welcome to Metropolitan Hilarion of the Russian Orthodox Church’s Synodal Department for External Church Relations.
Having travelled to Beijing a week after President Ji’s cordial trip to Moscow, Metropolitan Hilarion was delighted to announce the recommencement of ordinations of ethnic Chinese to the local Orthodox Church, a practice which was curtailed 60 years ago with the rise of communism in China.
The move, the Metropolitan added, would soon see the first priest arrive from seminary training in Moscow to the northern province of Heilongjiang, where there is a concentration of Orthodox worshippers.
The Church of the Intercession, to which the priest will be posted, is currently undergoing refurbishment work.
What concerns, if any, Beijing might have about foreign influence carried by the young cleric were not enunciated, though it is safe to assume that Mr Xi has little argument with the authoritarian style of his counterpart, Vladimir Putin.
Beyond the geopolitical manoeuvrings displayed by Mr Xi in cosying up to Mr Putin as their respective nations joust with America, it must be pointed out, depressingly, that the Chinese premier was very quick to accept Mr Putin’s Moscow invitation – to attend events to mark the end of World War II – while an answer, any answer, to Pope Francis’ letter of invitation of September 2014 to Mr Xi, has still not come.
Optimists may till now have viewed that reality as a sliver of hope. Mr Xi had not said yes, but nor had he said no.
Sadly, events in Hebei have spoken louder than words.