Dr Martin Mansergh‘In facing up to this situation, we have to deal with both causes and consequences’, writes Dr Martin Mansergh
Migration and settlement are part of the story of humanity. The Old Testament tells of successive periods when the people of Israel move in and out of captivity.
The New Testament and much of the teaching of Christ are about the proper treatment and care of the other, especially when in difficulty and distress, or of a different caste or nationality. Christianity is not about saying ‘there is no room at the inn’ or about ‘passing by on the other side’.
Normally, migration is a two-way flow of people across borders, not necessarily in equal numbers, governed by a variety of fluctuating economic and cultural push and pull factors. In countries of the EU, based on freedom of movement and dismantled physical borders, policies on third country immigration and the acceptance of refugees, while often an emotive issue, are predicated on the assumption of moderate flows at any one time.
The present mass migration of refugees from war-torn Syria and other failed states, from border camps with inadequate facilities, from precarious boat-loads across the Mediterranean with a high risk of drowning, have overturned this assumption. The humanitarian crisis that has no end in sight is placing a far greater strain on the cohesion of the European Union than the Greek financial crisis. Yet countries bordering on Syria like Turkey, Jordan and the Lebanon with generally far lower living standards than most EU countries have been coping as best they can and pretty stoically with far greater numbers of refugees than the whole EU is contemplating accepting.
Consequences
In facing up to this situation, we have to deal with both causes and consequences. The causes are primarily political. It might have seemed a good idea to western powers to assist in the destabilisation and toppling of ugly dictatorships, without much thought being given in practical terms to what would replace them. Peaceful democratic new dawns have not emerged, and the cure has often been worse than the disease. Outside powers cannot resist their geopolitical manoeuvrings for advantage, also evident around Ukraine, which add to and perpetuate the human misery, insecurity, and toll in death, injury and destruction which drive people from their homes.
The overriding aim of foreign policy and development aid policy should be to create conditions of greater stability which enable people to live in hope rather than despair in their own countries, while not preventing natural and established flows and exchanges which enrich everybody from taking place in manageable ways.
Impressive moral leadership has been shown by Pope Francis and Chancellor Merkel. The Pope’s encouragement of people to make room for the current large numbers of refugees cuts the ground from under political forces that would like to deploy the Christian heritage of Europe to bar access. In an American context, he has in effect thrown his weight behind immigration reform. Chancellor Merkel, giving an example of genuine Christian Democracy in action, has offered on behalf of Germany to take the vast bulk of refugees accepted into Europe. Some people even in this country privately fear that she has opened Pandora’s box. There are legitimate concerns about militant infiltration, but a new iron curtain is not the answer.
Germans know from their history that the acceptance of Huguenot refugees from France by the Great Elector, following the revocation of the tolerance granted them under the Edict of Nantes by Louis XIV in 1685, the worst decision of his reign, was a significant economic factor in the rise of Prussia.
The irreligious Frederick the Great made a similarly enlightened decision, when he invited in the Jesuits expelled by the Bourbon powers after the suppression of the Order in 1773. Today’s decision by Germany is partly motivated by a need to correct a looming demographic deficit, but it is also an assumption of the responsibilities of leadership that come with being the dominant country in Europe.
Where the crisis will end is difficult to foresee. Let us hope that it is not in even more harrowing treks across the Balkans in the winter.
Pending a resolution or regulation of the wider problem at international level, Ireland too needs to address its responsibilities and to make a full contribution. Our geographical position is such that we are unlikely to be confronted directly with mass migration overland or by sea. That gives us better scope to prepare.
It is good of course that our naval service is able to play a part in saving lives in the Mediterranean. The Government is right to waive the opt-out clause in the Schengen Agreement, which means that we will take our share of refugees on the same basis as our partners.
In the past, as a land of emigration with poor domestic job opportunities and as a country that aspired to protect our then largely homogenous cultural and religious ethos, the Irish State gave little encouragement to migrants and refugees, with very limited exceptions for a small number of Hungarians in the 1950s and Vietnamese in the 1970s. Wealthy American, British and other settlers were more welcome. Since then, EU enlargement, globalisation and high growth in the Irish economy, though interrupted by the crash, has greatly diversified the workforce. However, very few refugee applications were accepted, the official view being that they were nearly all economic migrants in disguise. While some applicants were deported, a lot more found themselves in limbo for years in centres with direct provision. Obviously, particularly in regard to Syria, that response is now untenable. The opportunity should be taken to clear the backlog of decisions quickly, as incoming refugees that are accepted will have full rights without delay to seek employment and to social services.
Maintaining public confidence is vital. The Government has to be in charge, utilising of course the services of voluntary organisations. There is no logical reason why accepting refugees should interfere with tackling homelessness, and we are better placed than most to accommodate those of other faiths. We need to be of good courage.
