Paul Keenan“Something old, something new.” Recourse to an age-old wedding rhyme by way of summing up recent events in troubled Burkina Faso is not as strange as it might first appear.
Indeed, the concept of a happy marriage is certainly not one coming to the mind of deposed President Blaise Compaore as he licks his wounds in neighbouring Ivory Coast. He fled there on October 31 ahead of waves of citizen protests against his attempts to change legislation in favour of repeated presidential terms over the current two-term limit.
Yet when one delves into the history of the landlocked West African nation, labelled with the unfortunate ‘poorest nation in the world’ tag, a distinct sense of ‘old’ repetitions giving way to something entirely ‘new’ is felt.
Originally formed as a protectorate from diverse kingdoms by the colonial aspirations of France in 1896 (French is still widely spoken), the nation that is today Burkina Faso gained its independence as Upper Volta in 1960 amid the wave of anti-colonial sentiment of the time. So began a history of leading figures uncomfortably wedded to the nation.
Having become the Republic of Upper Volta’s first independent president, Maurice Yameogo (a former seminarian) was deposed by the military in 1966, leading to the rule of Sangoule Lamizana, variously a military general, president, foreign minister and prime minister until he too was overthrown in a coup in 1980.
Deposed
The short regime of Colonel Saye Zerbo followed, ending once again in a coup, in 1982, led by Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo. All too quickly, however, the newly-elevated leader fell victim to the same curse, and in 1983 he was overthrown by Captain Sangoule Lamizana.
Perhaps of all national leaders to that time, Lamizana was the one to have the most impact on his nation. An avowed anti-imperialist with a Marxist bent, he set about creating his ‘ideal’ nation, renaming the country Burkina Faso and seeking self-sufficiency through agriculture as one means of ending French links once and for all. No surprise, then, that his final end (he was deposed and murdered) in 1987, in a coup led by his close ally Blaise Compaore, had French backing.
And so we arrive at the administration of the man who was to hold Burkina Faso in his grip until last month. In many ways the keenest of political survivors – who saw early opponents arrested and executed and, despite strong opposition, first claimed the presidency in 1991 and held on for the next 23 years – his flight from the capital, Ouagadougou, was entirely predictable based on past trends. (The gold star at the heart of Burkina Faso’s national flag, set in place as a reminder of the 1983 revolution, ironically hints at revolution as a national tradition.)
But to view Mr Compaore’s fate as akin to his predecessors is to miss a key factor which came into play in October.
Far from falling prey to the ambitions of an army-backed military officer with one eye on the presidency, it was ordinary citizens of Burkina Faso who took it upon themselves to oust their leader after his stated desire to alter the constitution in his favour. Far from bedecked uniforms roaming the corridors of power, it was enraged Burkinabes who attacked the precincts of the National Assembly and the state broadcaster to secure Mr Compaore’s end.
Observers have scrambled to discern the future of this ‘something new’ element to Burkina Faso’s political landscape, with some hinting at a ‘sub-Saharan spring’ arising from the country; how many African leaders in the mould of Robert Mugabe are now eyeing warily this threat to lifelong presidencies as an example their own peoples may emulate?
At the same time, however, another perspective was offered, one far less reassuring when one is reminded of events in the faraway Central African Republic where religious demographics saw Muslim and Christian neighbours prey on each other when the rule of law broke down.
Burkina Faso’s faith make-up among its 17 million people is a three-way affair; Muslims are predominant (making up 61%), especially in the north-east and west border regions, Christians (including Catholics – 13% of the population) are found clustered mainly in the centre of the country, in regions around the capital (where there is a Muslim/Christian mix), while animist traditions are found everywhere across the nation.
No doubt spurred by this minority position as much as a religious imperative when violence first erupted in the capital, Cardinal Philippe Nakellentuba Ouédraogo of Ouagadougou (elevated in February’s consistory) led calls for a peaceful end to matters.
He announced a novena of prayer towards “reconciliation, justice and peace in our country” and very quickly after Mr Compaore’s departure called publicly for dialogue over violence, asserting that “Catholic and Protestant communities are united and tolerant”.
Thankfully, the cardinal was not alone in seeing the potential disaster in allowing a vacuum to appear in the wake of a popular uprising. The army, albeit with its own vested interests in the country to protect, quickly stepped in to quell looting and violence. The outcome to date has been a cap on the 30 people killed in the initial outbreak of rioting.
Not unnaturally, the army’s move prompted suggestions that a coup would inevitably unfold from the state of affairs, bringing threats of sanctions from the international community. But in another novel turn of events, the provisional leader, Lieutenant Colonel Isaac Zida, has made no moves to consolidate his position and refused participation in talks held last weekend by political and civic leaders.
Zida instead sent a representative who spoke only briefly at the meeting to confirm that the army fully intends to cede its temporary control of Burkina Faso once a peaceful transition has been agreed. In keeping with the new mood, the spokesperson stated of Burkina Faso’s political cycle: “Things can no longer be like before.”
An agreement by the end of that day that transition to full civilian rule will now unfold over the course of the next year culminating in national elections will undoubtedly have calmed fears locally, not least among minority communities who can do little but attempt to survive between competing factions in less savoury scenarios.
In the long days towards the vision of a truly democratic Burkina Faso, Cardinal Ouédraogo will certainly, and no less than international observers, keep a careful watch on matters for the sake of his flock. If his novena prayers have been answered, however, his country is at last on the verge of something new.